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Friday, October 23, 2015

border violence related to oil and gas development





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Borderland Exodus: Towns On Path Of Proposed Mexican Pipelines Suffer Rash Of Violence
Posted on October 21, 2015

A burned home in Guadalupe, Chihuahua. Homes and businesses here and elsewhere in Juárez Valley towns that lie in the path of proposed infrastructure development have been targets of arson. (Lorne Matalon)

GUADALUPE, Chihuahua — People living in the Juárez Valley southeast of Ciudad Juárez  and El Paso, Texas allege that land speculators preparing for the start of oil and gas production have spurred a land grab that's forced what some claim is an exodus of local residents.

People interviewed for this story claim that they or neighbors have been burned out of their homes and that many others have been murdered.

They all live in a string of towns along the Rio Grande in an area slated for energy production and rapid infrastructure construction.

One of those towns is Guadalupe, a few minutes from the U.S. border across from Fabens, Texas but a world away in terms of security. Construction on a superhighway and a state-of-the-art international border crossing is underway here.

According to Mexican census rolls nearly 10,000 people lived here in 2005. The mayor – who declined to be interviewed – claimed in local media that this year only about 1,000 people remain.

One man, who like others asked not be identified for fear of retribution, explained what's happened.

"The government sends people here to pressure landowners to get out of here, to say, 'go away, we don't want you here,' " he said in Spanish, a charge vehemently denied by Chihuahua's government.

The man said wealthy buyers then show up to grab the vacant land.

Analysts suggest buyers are arriving because Mexico's state-owned oil company PEMEX is exploring for oil and gas in Chihuahua, with an emphasis on northern Chihuahua. The region shares geologiocal characteristics of the Permian Basin of Texas and New Mexico, the highest-producing oil field in the United States.

"Obviously this land is being re-consolidated in the hands of a few," said Tony Payan, Director of Rice University's Mexico Center in Houston.

"Many of these politicians will have interests in the shale development in the future and will likely get ahold of that land no matter what."

With oil and gas development and plans for pipelines, desert land no one cared about is now valuable. Chihuahua's Secretary of Public Works told a Juárez newspaper in September that he won't reveal the exact routes for new roads because the government doesn't want to fuel land speculation. We asked another person about that.

He laughed derisively.

"It's always about power and money," he said in Spanish.

He alleged that bureaucrats and politicians are now in the real estate business, acting at the very least as a middleman to sell land to investors.

"They are using, it is quite clear to me, that information for  themselves in a way that they can position themselves as a political class to profit from this industry in the future, oil, gas and the pipelines themselves," said Tony Payan.

Back in Guadalupe, physical evidence suggests that someone doesn't want people here; burned houses, shattered glass, very few people on the street.

The narrative in Mexican media is that the violence is a consequence of turf wars between cartels. But some residents are skeptical. They sense, but can't prove, that outside investors are working with organized crime to terrorize people into fleeing, leaving their land to be scooped up. The state can legally seize land and homes for unpaid property taxes.

"The valley is a lawless place," another man said in Spanish. "It's the sad truth."

Mexican authorities cited in media reports say at least 300 people have been killed in Guadalupe since 2008 — mayors, police, city councilors, business owners and human rights activists. People are learning hard lessons about real estate.

Julián Cardona is a photographer from Juárez.

"You know the rule. Location, location, location," he said.

He's watched a slow-motion depopulation unfold here. He said that residents tell him that authorities do nothing.

"Every time there was a killing, every time there was a burning house, the soldiers were a block away," he said. "They didn't stop the killers or the people burning the houses."

Pipeline companies in Texas are historically granted the right of Eminent Domain to seize private land because the transport of energy is deemed to be in the public's interest.

"In the United States, it's a lawful Eminent Domain. In Mexico it's outright violence," said El Paso lawyer Carlos Spector. He represents 250 former residents of the Juárez Valley, many from Guadalupe, now seeking asylum in the US.

"Investors are getting very aggressive," Spector said, founder of Mexicanos En Exilio, or Mexicans in Exile.

"All they have to do is get a list from the mayor of a small town, who is under their control, as to who hasn't paid the taxes. And if they can match up who hasn't paid the taxes to where the gas and the freeway is coming, then you go after that property. It's very, very scientific."

People who remain in Guadalupe say that former neighbors who've fled are anxious to sell their now abandoned land for cents on the dollar because they're too frightened to even contemplate coming back.

"I received several threats, not just one," he said in Spanish.

Huéramo was a city councilor in Guadalupe in 2010. He'd opposed the mayor's resolution that would allow the local government to expropriate land to sell to energy speculators.

The week after he entered the U.S. two women on the city council were killed. They'd opposed the same resolution. This was confirmed by two independent sources.

The year before, two of his his brothers-in-law were murdered.

"Families in the Juárez Valley have lost loved ones," he said. "It's a message saying they have to leave the Juarez Valley."

Residents say violence rose in the Juárez Valley in 2010 after the murder of Josefina Reyes Salazar, killed on the outskirts Ciudad Juárez.

She'd led the Mexican side of a successful binational campaign to stop a nuclear waste dump in Sierra Blanca, Texas, just across from Guadalupe. And she'd spoken out about land displacement in the Juárez Valley.

An art gallery administrator from Ciudad Juárez, Gabriela Carballo, compares opposition to pipelines in Guadalupe to conflict in the U.S. over the proposed Trans-Pecos Pipeline. It would ferry natural gas from Texas into Mexico.

There is intense opposition on the part of some Texas landowners and ranchers.

"As a Mexican I can say that we care as much about the environment as any one of these people that are fighting the Trans-Pecos Pipeline," said Carballo.

As for alleged land displacement in the name of energy in Chihuahua, she said it's not easy to take a stand under the actual or perceived threat of retribution.

"If we speak out against it, we run the risk of our really extremely corrupt government murdering us."

There's no way to verify such a claim. And Mexican officials are quick to refute them.

"Violence is minimal right now and no one's been affected by plans for pipelines," said Arturo Llamas in Spanish. He's Chihuahua's pipeline and energy infrastructure regulator.

Llamas is also the state's liaison with Mexico's federal energy agencies. He said energy development in northern Chihuahua is a boon to local residents that will ultimately translate into lower electricity and gasoline costs.

"It will help the entire country, not just Chihuahua," he said. He was emphatic that he and his staff are watching the Juárez Valley.

"It's our responsibility to be sure that laws are obeyed and that everything that must be done is done properly," he said. He also said he wanted anyone with a complaint to contact his office in Chihuahua City. But few people alleging harm are likely to approach a government they don't trust.

There are others beyond the alleged victims, who bear witness to a different reality. Mexican photographer Julián Cardona has catalogued the destruction of peoples lives in the Juárez Valley.

"I think they're now realizing the value of their land, because now there are people buying their lands," said Cardona.

"Violence is linked to displacement of their families," he explained.

He recalled a visit June 24, 2015 when Chihuahua Gov César Duarte made a brief stop in Guadalupe.

"The Governor visited in Guadalupe and the mayor ordered the empty buildings and house along the main avenue painted in bright colors — glowing yellow, green, blue, pink. The fact the houses were painted in bright colors is like a smokescreen of what's really going on," he said.

As for Martin Huéramo — the former Guadalupe city councilor seeking asylum — he says he'd have no issue with energy production or pipelines if they did not involve, in his words, people being forced out. He doesn't believe government claims that laws are being followed and things are being done properly.

Then unexpectedly, he said he believes one of the the government's claims.

"The government says violence is down in the Juárez Valley," he said in Spanish. "I believe it," he continued, "because there are no more people left to kill."


This story was reported by Lorne Matalon, in collaboration with Fronteras, The Changing America Desk, a consortium of NPR member stations in the Southwest.

Friday, October 16, 2015

Fwd: fns_nmsu-l] FNS News: Mexican Foxconn Workers Stage Hunger Strike


Subject: fns_nmsu-l] FNS News: Mexican Foxconn Workers Stage Hunger Strike

October 16, 2015

Labor News

Mexican Foxconn Workers Stage Hunger Strike

Employees of a Foxconn Scientific Atlantic plant in Ciudad Juarez escalated a protest this week for better wages and dignified treatment.

Setting up camp underneath a tent, worker Carlos Octavio Serrano initiated a hunger strike in front of the factory located in the Intermex Industrial Park. Twenty one other workers said they would join Serrano in refusing to eat until their grievances were addressed.

Involving more than 300 employees, the Foxconn Scientific Atlantic protest movement became public last August when scores of workers staged a demonstration against low wages, bad company food, sexual harassment and supervisory despotism. 

A woman worker at the plant was quoted at the time in El Diario de Juarez: "I had a problem because my supervisor asked me, 'How much would you charge me to touch your breasts?' I told him of course not, you're sick."

Two months later, hunger striker Serrano contended that management still had not gotten the message. "They aren't paying attention to us, and not resolving our demands," Serrano told the Juarez daily Norte.
According to Foxconn Scientific Atlantic workers, one of their principal demands is an increase in food bonuses, on top of the daily base salary of 87 pesos, or less than six dollars. 

In an article published earlier this year, University of Padua (Italy) sociologists Devi Sacchetto and Martin Cecchi estimated that Foxconn employs 22,000 workers at several factories in and around Juarez, including the company's huge,  state-of-the-art facility that straddles the Mexico-U.S. border at San Jeronimo just northwest of the city and Santa Teresa, New Mexico.

In Juarez and San Jeronimo, the Taiwan-based electronics giant manufactures products for Dell, Cisco and Hewlett Packard that are shipped to the U.S. market.

Based in part on Cecchi's field research last year, Sacchetto and Cecchi documented worker complaints that included stagnant wages and productivity bonuses, unpredictable work shifts and transportation problems such as breakdowns of company-contracted buses.

Worker discontent in the Juarez maquiladora industry, or assembly-for-export industry, is not isolated to Foxconn. In late September, about 300 workers at the ADC factory in the Bermudez Industrial Park engaged in a protest aimed at preserving benefits and ending arbitrary management policies. Another key demand was free union association.

"Respect our right to vacations" and "NO discrimination in bonuses" were among the messages on placards displayed by demonstrating workers outside the ADN plant.

Elizabeth Flores, director of the labor ministry for the local Roman Catholic Archdiocese, said she wasn't surprised by the maquiladora protests. Flores characterized the Juarez maquiladora industry as a "time bomb" fused with very low wages and exploitation.

"The industry started as a panacea for Juarez, that there was finally work since up until then there was only tourism or so," Flores told FNS.  "The salary has always been low and Juarez has always been an expensive place."

The labor advocate said the current peso devaluation is adding pressure to the prevailing wage schema and already precarious living standards, especially since food and other necessities are not produced locally and have to be imported, ironically, to a city which specializes in manufacturing and exporting products to the United States.

Flores said the low pay and high cost-of living over time forced virtually every able member of many households to seek work in the maquiladora industry in order to survive, yet even this solution is becoming unsustainable in light of the deteriorating wage situation.

Although Juarez's maquiladora industry has rebounded since the Great Recession, the low pay and other working conditions have made it difficult to lure local residents back onto the shop floor.

Foxconn and other companies are reportedly recruiting and transporting workers from other places in Mexico to meet a labor shortage, a practice that was also common in the post-NAFTA boom years of the 1990s.

Coupled with plans to build new housing subdivisions for workers, even as previously constructed ones rot in abandonment and decay, the maquiladora industry labor conditions are sparking renewed local polemics about wages, urban development patterns, mass transportation, and the breakdown of the social fabric.   

In an opinion published this year the local Semanario magazine editorialized:

"The problem is not the lack of existence of people of working age in Juarez. The problem is that wages are low and (people) prefer informal work, washing cars and even the daily sight of young people juggling (for spare change) in the many intersections of the city….as we have said at the beginning, there are a lot of jobs.  But these are rejected not only because of the miserably low pay, but also due to the commutes to and from work that reach up to four hours daily, resulting in social stress and family disintegration."

In a fissure of sorts in elite local opinion, prominent Juarez businessman Federico de la Vega criticized some of the policies of the local maquiladora industry and called for minimum wage hikes on the order of 50 percent during an interview with Norte last summer.

"There is hunger, the minimum salary of 2,000 pesos (less than $150 per month) is not sufficient to eat," de la Vega told Norte. 

Foxconn Scientific Atlantic hunger striker Carlos Serrano suspended his fast on Thursday, October 15, as legal wrangling between the company and workers intensified. On Friday, October 16, Norte reported a tense scene outside the Intermex Industrial Park factory, where apparently fruitless negotiations had occurred early in the day between workers and management. Juarez municipal police were on the scene.

Antonio Vazquez Rodriguez, attorney for Foxconn Scientific Atlantic, informed the Juarez newspaper that the company had filed legal charges against the workers because of an October 12 blockade of the plant entrance that resulted in $100,000 in losses due to logistics and shipping delays.

A lawyer for the workers, Rodrigo Stanley, said the protesting employees would attempt to reach a solution through the federal Labor Arbitration and Conciliation Board. Stanley added that 200 workers from the ADC and AMEX factories had joined the Foxconn Scientific Atlantic workers' movement with the common goal of gaining an independent union.  

Pastoral Obrera's Elizabeth Flores said it was "very probable" that more worker protests in the maquiladora industry would break out in the near future. 


Additional sources: El Mexicano, October 15, 2015. Lapolaka.com, October 14, 2015. Norte, June 28, 2015;  October 14 and 16, 2015. Articles by Miroslava Breach, Salvador Esparza and Carlos Omar Barranco. Arrobajuarez.com, August 12, 2015; September 30, 2015; October 14, 2015. El Diario de Juarez, August 12 and October 12, 2015. Articles by Araly Castanon and editorial staff. La Jornada, August 13, 2015. Article by Ruben Villalpando. Semanario, June 17, 2015. Opendemocracy.net, January 16, 2015. Article by Devi Sacchetto and Martin Cecchi. 


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